The rise of Western scientific medicine fully established the medical sector of the U.S. political economy by the end of the Second World War, the first "social transformation of American medicine." Then, in an ongoing process called medicalization, the jurisdiction of medicine began expanding, redefining certain areas once deemed moral, social, or legal problems (such as alcoholism, drug addiction, and obesity) as medical problems. The editors of this important collection argue that since the mid-1980s, dramatic, and especially technoscientific, changes in the constitution, organization, and practices of contemporary biomedicine have coalesced into biomedicalization, the second major transformation of American medicine. This volume offers in-depth analyses and case studies along with the groundbreaking essay in which the editors first elaborated their theory of biomedicalization.Contributors. Natalie Boero, Adele E. Clarke, Jennifer R. Fishman, Jennifer Ruth Fosket, Kelly Joyce, Jonathan Kahn, Laura Mamo, Jackie Orr, Elianne Riska, Janet K. Shim, Sara Shostak
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Biomedicalization
BIOMEDICALIZATION Technoscience, Health, and Illness in the U.S.
ADELE E. CLARKE,
LAURA MAMO,
JENNIFER RUTH FOSKET,
JENNIFER R. FISHMAN,
AND JANET K. SHIM, EDS.
D U K E U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S& London 2010 Durham
Library o Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data appear on the last printed page o this book.
C O N T E N T S
P R E FA C Evii
A C K N O W L E D G M E N T Sxi
A eoretical and Substantive B I O M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N/ Introduction/Adele E. Clarke, Janet K. Shim, Laura Mamo, Jennifer Ruth Fosket, and Jennifer R. Fishman1
▷ ▷ ▷ PA R T I/H I S T O R I C A L F R A M I N G ST H E O R E T I C A L A N D
Technoscientiîc 1 /B I O M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N/ Transormations o Health, Illness, and U.S. Biomedicine/ Adele E. Clarke, Janet K. Shim, Laura Mamo, Jennifer Ruth Fosket, and Jennifer R. Fishman47
2 /C H A R T I N G ( B I O ) M E D I C I N E A N D ( B I O ) M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N I N T H E U N I T E D S TAT E S , 1 8 9 0 – P R E S E N T/Adele E. Clarke, Jennifer Ruth Fosket, Laura Mamo, Jennifer R. Fishman, and Janet K. Shim88
3 /R I S E O F F R O M T H E M E D I C I N E T O U.S. Healthscapes and B I O M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N/ Iconography, circa 1890–Present/Adele E. Clarke104
4 /G E N D E R A N D M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N A N D B I O M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N T H E O R I E S/Elianne Riska147
▷ ▷ ▷PA R T I I/C A S E S T U D I E S : D I F F E R E N C EF O C U S O N
5/I N C .F E R T I L I T Y, /Consumption and Subjectiîcation in U.S. Lesbian Reproductive Practices/Laura Mamo173
An Examination o the Economic and Political 6 /T H E I M A G EA S B O D Y / Dynamics o Magnetic Resonance Imaging and the Construction o Diference/Kelly Joyce197
7/T H E B I O M E D I C A L I Z AT I O N S T R AT I F I E D H E A R T O F D I S E A S E/Expert and Lay Perspectives on Racial and Class Inequality/Janet K. Shim218
Molecular 8 /I S KM A R K I N G AT R P E R S O N S A N D P O P U L AT I O N S / Epidemiology and Environmental Health/Sara Shostak242
9 /B I O M E D I C I N EI N A N D M A R K E R S M A R K E T I N G S U R R O G AT E S U R R O G AT E / e Regulatory Etiology and Commercial Progression o “Ethnic” Drug Development/Jonathan Kahn263
▷ ▷ ▷ PA R T I I I/E N H A N C E M E N TO N F O C U S
10/V I A G R AO F M A K I N G T H E /e Biomedicalization o Sexual /Jennifer R. Fis289 Dysunctionhman
11/B Y PA S S I N G B L A M E/Bariatric Surgery and the Case o Biomedical Failure/Natalie Boero307
Biomedicalizing Risk 12 /A S D I S E A S EC A N C E R R I S K B R E A S T / / Jennifer Ruth Fosket331
Governing 13 /I N F O R M AT I C S O F D I A G N O S I SB I O P S Y C H I AT RY A N D T H E / Mentalities/Jackie Orr353
E P I L O G U E/oughts on Biomedicalization in Its Transnational Travels/Adele E. Clarke380
R E F E R E N C E S407
A B O U T T H E C O N T R I B U T O R S489
I N D E X491
P R E FA C E
n the late 1990s, a group that Proessor Emerita Vir-I ginia Olesen called “the gang o îve” began to gather weekly in a windowless conerence room at the Lau-rel Heights campus o the University o Caliornia, San Francisco, one o twenty-îve ÛÇŚ sites in the city. A massive ormer insurance company building where “desktop research” social science units and parts o the administration dwell, the Laurel Heights campus sits atop a San Francisco hill. It is linked by the Internet and extended shuttle bus service to the rest o ÛÇŚ, a transnational epicenter o biotechnology, healthcare, primary and tertiary hospitals, and a ormidable array o industry-academia-state research collaborations. e origins o the gang o îve lay in a sociology dis-sertation writing group that began around 1997 and in-cluded Laura Mamo, Jennier Ruth Fosket, Jennier R. Fishman, and Janet K. Shim. Adele Clarke was chairing the dissertations o Mamo, Fosket, and Fishman and was a member o Shim’s committee. Each o our empirical research projects was situated in late-twentieth-century biomedicine and what we saw as signiîcant emergent phenomena: pharmaceutical drugs or prevention and enhancement, epidemiological and biomedical models o risk, commodiîcation o biomaterials, and a new
viiiP R E F A C E
ethos o patient engagement with biomedicine. We were individually and collectively grappling with the inadequacies o medicalization theory and the concomitant disconnects among medical sociology and interdisci-plinary îelds such as science and technology studies, history o medicine, eminist theory, body studies, cultural studies, and others. is was also the historic moment o the biotech bubble o the late 1990s, and we were amazed by the array o new biotechnological prod-ucts and promises, start-up companies, venture capital îrms, academic-industry alliances, programs in bioinormatics, stem cell research, and new medical specialty centers springing orth around us. As department chair, Clarke was routinely networked into the latest developments through the inormation ows o administration. is constituted her îeldwork site. Our politics o technoscience thus took seriously the assertion that we are all part o what Donna Haraway (1997) called “the New World Order, Inc.” e gang o îve began collaboratively analyzing the shiting processes o biomedicine and the development o concepts and contours o what Clarke (1998, 275) ramed as “the biomedicalization o lie itsel (human, plant, and animal) . . . oten imaged as a juggernaut o technological im-peratives.” We generated a dense historical chart as our means o chroni-cling recent changes in biomedicine. is chart became the major empiri-cal database or our project and is included in this volume (chapter 2). Next was a series o presentations ollowed by an invitation to publish. In 2000 our “Technoscience and the New Biomedicalization: Western Roots, Global Rhizomes” appeared (in French) inSciences Sociales et Santé. e reception o our work was positive in the United States and abroad, and we continued meeting and writing. We wanted our audience or this work to include but not be limited to medical sociology. We submitted our key paper, “Biomedicalization: eorizing Technoscientiîc Transormations o Health, Illness, and U.S. Biomedicine,” to theAmerican Sociological Review. It appeared in 2003 and is reprinted here as chapter 1. eĀŚarticle articulates biomedicalization theory as a synthesis and overview o changes in biomedicine and medicalization. ere we discuss biomedicalization theory and its îve broader processes in depth: (1) pri-vatization and commodiîcation, (2) risk and surveillance, (3) expanding technoscientiîc practices, (4) the production and distribution o knowl-edges, and (5) transormations o bodies and subjectivities. e missing links in the oundations o biomedicalization theory, i you will, have been the empirical cases that generated this extension o medicalization theory
P R E F A C Eix and its incorporation o transdisciplinary ways o knowing. As such, we proposed this volume as a way not only to showcase our grounded theo-rizing (Strauss 1987) o biomedicalization through our empirical research projects but also to provide a set o cases that materially demonstrate and elaborate the pathways and conditions through which biomedicalization and its processes operate. Early in our endeavors, Virginia Olesen (warmly) criticized a drat paper o ours by asking whether there were any resistances, any moves to counter what she heard as “a tsunami o biomedicalized power”? To address her comments, in the next iteration o our paper, we spoke o old and new contingencies, stratiîcations, and the importance o how things play out in actual practices o knowledge production in everyday lie. We pointed to how biomedicalization processes produce increasing inequalities by race, class, gender, and sexualities. And we expanded our lens to draw attention toward what we termed the workings o technoscience rom the “insides” o biomedicine outwards—rom its very organization toward its prac-tices. We return to Ginnie Olesen’s crucial question about resistances and countertrends here in our introduction, urther urged to do so by our ex-cellent Duke reviewers. Yet the question remained: how and under what circumstances do the îve processes constitutive o biomedicalization theory operate? Both prac-tices and local processes, we argued, must be examined. We have done so in our empirical research, as have the others we invited to join us in this vol-ume. ese case studies are sites where we ound particular bodies, identi-ties, and corporealities becoming biomedical objects or (re)conîguration in old and new ways. Context matters, not as a unidirectional cause but as situated, constitutive conditions o the techno-social shaping o meanings and practices. Our goal or this book is to ground our published theory through re-search projects that allow the reader to reect on and challenge our conclu-sions made in the broader theoretical ramework. e book brings together scholars who in varied ways articulate how and under what conditions bio-medicalization theory is useul and provocative. It is our ultimate hope that readers will take up biomedicalization theory in their own research and provide it with the empirical robustness to shit and change as needed to exibly engage the ongoing transormations o biomedicine. We also seek to provoke studies o biomedicalization in its transnational travels.