Law, land reform and responsibilisation: A perspective from Malawi’s land question
196 pages
English

Law, land reform and responsibilisation: A perspective from Malawi’s land question , livre ebook

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196 pages
English
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The book is a critical, genealogical analysis of land questions in the South through an original analysis of the Malawi experience. Through the author’s experience in land reform and subsequent advanced research in the area, the book notes that land reform discourse is dominated by an ethos based on market as value which, in turn, has cemented the ubiquity of a universal, automatic transition from land reform to land law reform in tackling a land question in a country. Using a Foucauldian–based theory of governmentality and responsibilisation, the book provides a reassessment of the norms in land reform discourse and argues for the conception of a right to property in land as a social relation. The book reveals the parochial interests of global capital, local elites and even the land-deprived that underpin a land question. The lack of synergy between law and policy leads to the consistent emergence of two ‘beings’: first, a responsibilised citizen in the mould of the land deprived who constitutes a source of cheap, wage labour for the large estate agriculture sector; and second, a land owner as the efficient producer at the centre of the large estate agriculture sector. The book then proposes an alternative norm in land reform discourse based on a responsibilised State.About the editor:Chikosa M Silungwe PhD Attorney; Consultant; Academic.

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Date de parution 01 janvier 2015
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EAN13 9781920538330
Langue English
Poids de l'ouvrage 1 Mo

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Law, land reform and responsibilisation: A perspective from Malawi’s land question
Chikosa M Silungwe
2015
Law, land reform and responsibilisation: A perspective from Malawi’s land question
Published by: Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) The Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) is a publisher at the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa. PULP endeavours to publish and make available innovative, high-quality scholarly texts on law in Africa. PULP also publishes a series of collections of legal documents related to public law in Africa, as well as text books from African countries other than South Africa. This book was peer reviewed prior to publication.
For more information on PULP, see www.pulp.up.ac.za
Printed and bound by: BusinessPrint, Pretoria
To order, contact: PULP Faculty of Law University of Pretoria South Africa 0002 Tel: +27 12 420 4948 Fax: +27 12 362 5125 pulp@up.ac.za www.pulp.up.ac.za
Cover: Yolanda Booyzen, Centre for Human Rights
ISBN: 978-1-920538-33-0
© 2015
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
Dedication
Introduction 1 The context 2 Rationale and main argument 3 Market asvalueand land reform modelling 3.1 Market asvalue 3.2 Power dimension of land reform 3.3 Market-based land reform models 3.4 Reflection on market-based land reform modelling 4 On responsibilisation 5 On method 6 Final word
Governmentality, responsibilisation and the land question 1 Thinking theory 2 The Foucauldian ‘idea’ of governmentality 2.1 Governmentality and analytics of power 2.2 Governmentality and law 3 ‘Everyday struggles’: Conduct and counter-conduct 4 Responsibilisation: A framework for analysis 4.1 The nature of hegemonic responsibilisation 4.2 The nature people-generated responsibilisation 5 Governmentality-responsibilisation: Whither the resolution of land question in Malawi? 6 Final word
‘Right’, ‘property’ and the ‘customary’ space: Conceptual issues and the land question 1 The nature of the right to property 1.1 Character of a ‘right’ 1.2 The meaning of ‘property’: The right to property as a social relation 2 The right to property in land: An analysis of the ‘customary’ space 2.1 The root of the ‘customary’ space 2.2 The nature of ‘customary’ (land) tenure 3 The beneficial interest in land: ‘Customary land’ under the Malawian Land Act 4 Final word
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1 1 8 14 15 19 21
27 29 30 32
35 36 37 42 44
45 46 46 47
50 51
53 54 55
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60 61 66
72 75
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Global-local policy linkage, responsibilisation and the land question 1 Global-local policy linkage 1.1 The World Bank’s land policy framework, 2003 1.2 The national macroeconomic framework as a site of conformity 2 National policy interventions in the land question 2.1 ‘Let sleeping dogs lie’: The Presidential Commission of Inquiry on Land Policy Reform, 1996 2.2 The land utilisation studies, 1995-1998 2.3 The National Land Policy 2.4 Intervention of the Malawi Law Commission 2.5 The Green Belt Initiative 3 Final word
77 78 79
81 88
91 96 100 110 114 120
A multiverse of interests and the land question 123 1 The state and theAchikumbe125 2 The state and the land deprived 130 3 TheAchikumbe135and the land deprived 4 The intra-‘community’ dynamics 139 4.1 The role of chiefs139 4.2Eni maloandobwera: The ‘internecine’ conflict of the land deprived141 5 The nature of the multiverse 145 6 Final word 147
Last word: Towards a responsibilised state 1 Reiterations 2 The nature of people-generated responsibilisation: The basis of the responsibilised state 2.1 Public trust and social trust: The constitutional basis of people-generated responsibilisation 2.2 Counter-conduct and the beneficial interest in land 2.3 The land question in the political economy 3 The responsibilised state: A restatement 4 Final word 4.1 The presumptions 4.2 The wider angle 5 The thesis: a précis
Bibliography
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149 149
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157 162 165 166 166 167 168
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book has grown from a doctoral thesis that I submitted to the University of Warwick. As I developed my ideas contained in this book, many people have been generous, inspirational and selfless. Abdul Paliwala and George Meszaros, my first and second supervisor respectively, were full of advice, banter and critique. Sammy Adelman, Upendra Baxi, Peter Fitzpatrick, Garton Kamchedzera, Fidelis Edge Kanyongolo, Ngeyi Ruth Kanyongolo, Ambreena Manji, Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Andrew Trevor Williams provided invaluable insight that took a number of the ideas here forward. I shall forever be grateful to the University of Warwick for the financial support throughout my doctoral research. Jennifer Mabbett was very helpful with administrative issues in the Law School.
From a distance, I have always admired the work of the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS), School of Government, The University of the Western Cape. It was a pleasure to interact with, and present my work to, the faculty of PLAAS in November 2010. Professor Ben Cousins & Co, keep the fire burning.
My family and friends have constantly shaped and re-shaped my world view over the years. To everyone in the family – the paternal and maternal trees of the Sindano Walyapaili Silungwe clan and the Mwakipunda Mwaungulu clan – I cannot thank you enough. I would like to acknowledge in a special way the support from my mother, Matilda Audrey Silungwe (née Mwaungulu); and my sisters, Towela Golda Nyika (née Silungwe), Ruth Walusungu Nanthambwe (née Silungwe) and Limbani Silungwe. I also acknowledge the support from my father, Don Silungwe; Aunt Ruth – Ruth Mwakalasya Mtawali (née Mwaungulu); Geoffrey S Mwaungulu, Sr, MD and Mary Mwaungulu; Uncle Pat – Patani Mhone and Dr Ethel Mhone; and Dr Herbert Matiti and Milika Matiti, PhD.
To my friends – departed and those still living and spread around the world – I have learnt a lot from you. I salute the following kings: Boniface Banda; John Suzi Banda; Kelvin Kanswala Banda; Matthews Kaninga Banda; Sibonele Banda; Ken Bowazi; the late Harold Samuel Chafuwa; Tamanda Llipwithi Chidzanja; Marshal Chilenga; Saulos Klaus Chilima; Trevor Chimimba; Zangaphee Chimombo; Allan Joseph Chintedza; Enoch Chinyamunyamu; Ishmael Stan Chioko; Danwood Mzikenge Chirwa; Mtchera James Chirwa; the late Alfred Dawa; Elias Dziko; Ezra Dzoole; Altaf ‘Charlie’ Gani; Robert Hansell; Edgar ‘Lyan Louie’ Hassan; Abou Jeng; Kalenga Jere; Harold Jiya; Patrick Kabambe; Jeffrey Kabondo; Michael Kachere; David Chikumbutso Masoatengenji Kadzamira; Sylvester Kadzola; Bruno Kalemba; Sylvester Augustino Kalembera; Chikumbutso James Kalilombe; the late David Harris Kamkanda; Isaac Katopola; Dan Kuwali; Richard Kuwali; Titus Neverson Kuweruza; Pempho Likongwe; George Desiderio Liwimbi; George Lwanda; Dingiswayo Tanangachi Kanyolokera Madise; Ian Michael Malera; Kenan Tilombe Manda; Jarvis Matiya; Alison Mbang’ombe; the late Benard Perez Mhango; Walter Vuyo Miseleni;
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Peter Mkali; Alex Mchawe Mkandawire; Watipaso Mkandawire; the late Huxley Mlozi; Paul Montfort Mphwiyo; William Yakuwawa Msiska; Austin Boli Bwagadu Msowoya; Ernest Chimwemwe Mtawali; Mwiza Mtegha; Herbert Mukasa; Frank Mvalo; Dominic Mwafulirwa; Mtchuka George Mwale; Sam Mwenifumbo; Crispin Mzengereza; Orama Arthur Nanthuru; Benard Mkweche Winston Ndau; Sam Ngwira; the late Peter Njikho; McBride Nkhalamba; James Nkuta; Cosby Ungweru Nkwazi; Oche Onazi; the late Holman Malata Phiri; Richard Edward Santhe; Yaperekamizimu ‘Yappy’ Silungwe; Mateyu Sisya; Papa Sow; Sam Tembo; Carlos Gomes Varela; Joshua Antonio Varela; Ben Wandawanda; Patrick Westenhoff; Eric Yesaya; and Moza Zeleza.
I would not be the professional I am today if it were not for a lot of giants who have inspired or mentored me along the way. I recognise the following: Gracian Zibelu Banda; the late Hermes Chidammodzi, PhD; the Honourable Justice of Appeal Lovemore Paulo Chikopa, SC; the Honourable Justice of Appeal Anaclet Chipeta, SC; Meyer Gravel Chisanga; Gertrude Lynn Hiwa, SC; Garton Kamchedzera, PhD; Fidelis Edge Kanyongolo, PhD; the Honourable Justice of Appeal Frank Kapanda, SC; the Honourable Justice John Katsala; the late Didier Njirayakumanda Kaphagawani, PhD; Kalekeni Elson Kaphale; Stanley Khaila, PhD; the late MacKnight Rabson Elias Machika, PhD; Promodh Malhotra; Professor Thandika Mkandawire; Modechai Msisha, SC; Titus Edward Songiso Mvalo; the Honourable Justice of Appeal Dunstan Fipamtima Mwaungulu, SC; the late Anthony Nazombe, PhD; the Honourable Justice of Appeal Andrew KC Nyirenda, SC; the Honourable Justice Kenyatta Nyirenda; the late Temwa Chanaichi Nyirenda; Professor Emeritus Abdul Paliwala; Professor Emeritus Kings Mbachazwa Phiri; Roger Rose; Krishna Savjani, SC, OBE; the Honourable Justice of Appeal Elton M Singini, SC (retired); the Honourable Justice of Appeal Edward Twea, SC; the Honourable Chief Justice Leonard E Unyolo, SC (retired); and Professor Tiyambe Zeleza.
Beyond the formality of the academy, this book also arises out of an agitated mind. It is common to find descriptions of other human beings in land disputes before the courts in Malawi as ‘Persons Unknown’; ‘Unidentified Persons’ and such other pejorative language. In analysing the land question in Malawi, this book serves as a humble contribution towards the emancipation – the revolution – of ‘Persons Unknown’ or ‘Unidentified Persons’.
I also acknowledge the editorial support from the Pretoria University Law Press; particularly Lizette Hermann.
Finally, as the poet once said and I reiterate: ‘I have been raised by 1 women and because of them; I am the man I am today.’ To you all – women (you know who you are) – I thank you.
CMS Lilongwe, Malawi December 2013
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This is an adaptation from Gil Scott Heron ‘On coming from a broken home: Part 2’ I’m new here, XL Recordings, 2010.
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DEDICATION
To my mother, Matilda Audrey Silungwe (née Mwaungulu): In Admiration.
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1 HAPTER C
The context
INTRODUCTION
It is back as part of the prime time news bulletin: ‘People of country X are agitating for access to farmland in their country. Government is yet to respond’. There are variations, but the gist of such news item is the call for land reform. But what is land reform? Land reform – however conceptualised – continues to dominate debate in development discourse. Indeed, at the turn of the 1990s, there emerged what was referred to as the ‘new wave’ of land reform which has been cross-spatial and pervasive in Africa, Asia and Latin America. This ‘new wave’ of land reform supposedly adopted a ‘human-centred’ approach with a decentred focus on 1 economic growth as a measurement of (national) development. The ‘new wave’ is really part of a continuum. In sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, land reform has been omnipresent in various shades since the onset of informal imperialism and the entrenchment of European domination on 2 the continent under the new imperialism period. The impetus for land reform in postcolonial Africa has been multifarious. This has included the desire to address the historically situated problem of access to available arable land for the land deprived; the eradication of impoverishment; the guarantee of food security; and the assurance of economically efficient land use for the growth of the colonial, and later, postcolonial economies.
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C Toulmin & J Quan ‘Evolving land rights, tenure and policy in sub-Saharan Africa’ in C Toulmin & J Quan (eds)Evolving land rights, policy and tenure in Africa(2000); and World BankLand policies for growth and poverty reduction(2003).Cfalso S Adelman & A Paliwala ‘Law and development in crisis’ in S Adelman & A Paliwala (eds)Law and crisis in the third world(1993) 1. ‘Informal imperialism’ refers to the arrival of white missionaries and ‘entrepreneurs’ in Africa prior to the 1880s. ‘The new imperialism period’ refers to the period following the Berlin Conference on the partition of Africa in 1884 and the start of the First World War: K ShillingtonHistory of Africa(1995).
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2Chapter 1
Land reform proceeds on an aspiration ‘to improve by altering’; ‘to 3 correct an error’ or ‘to remove a defect’; and indeed ‘to make better’. This need to improve through altering, correcting errors, removing defects, or making better implies the existence of an underlying ‘problem’ with a status quo relating to the land relations in a country. This problem with land relations does not relate to land for its own sake. It refers to the relation of the human being as a member of society – a social being – and land as a resource for a livelihood. The problem is what has been referred to as the land question. Land reform is (ideally) a strategy to address a land question.
In sub-Saharan Africa, while there is a plethora of literature on land reform, the opposite is the case regarding literature on the African land question or land questions of specific countries. However, the determination of the nature of the African land question is important because it has implications for the ‘purpose’ and ‘direction’ of land reform 4 on the continent generally and indeed in particular countries. A clearly defined land question must lead to clearly established purpose and direction of land reform. However, if there is a key conception where confusion and dissensus looms large then it is the nature of the African land question. This confusion and dissensus has undermined the purpose and direction of land reform on the continent. There are two levels through which one can engage with the determination of the African land question. The first level is spatial and the second is conceptual.
At the spatial level, it is not clear from the scholarship whether there is a continent-wide African land question or it is more precise to discuss a host of African land questions where each question is peculiar to a specific 5 country. At the conceptual level, the debate has centred on the nature of land tenure in the pre-colonial and the postcolonial African society. This debate has focused on the presence or absence of individual tenure as 6 opposed to communal tenure in land. It has also raised fundamental 7 issues regarding the conception of ‘right’, ‘property’ and ‘tenure’. So far, the approaches to the African land question reveal its complication such
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CT OnionsThe Oxford dictionary of English etymologyon the definition of (1966) ‘reform’. On the debate on the purpose and direction of land reform see: A ManjiThe politics of land reform in Africa: From communal tenure to free marketsand C Walker et al (2006); (eds)Land, memory, reconstruction, and justice: Perspectives on land claims in South Africa (2010) S Moyo ‘African land questions, the state and agrarian transition: Contradictions of neoliberal land reforms’ (2004) (on file with the author); A Mafeje ‘The agrarian question, access to land, and peasant responses in sub-Saharan Africa’ Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper Number 6, Geneva, UNRISD (2003); S Berry ‘Debating the land question in Africa’ (2002) 44Comparative Studies in Society and History638; and H Bernstein ‘Rural land and land conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa’ in S Moyo & P Yeros (eds)Reclaiming the land: The resurgence of rural movements in Africa, Asia and Latin America(2005) 67. PE Peters ‘Inequality and social conflict over land in Africa’ (2004) 4Journal of Agrarian Change269.
Introduction 3
that its analysis, if at all, must be wary of essentialism. This complication is particularly exacerbated by the multiplicity of interests of various constituencies competing for the control of access to available arable land. Berry states:
The significance of land conflicts for contemporary processes of governance and development in Africa lies not only in the way they have been shaped by past events, but also in their salience as arenas for the production of history.
Because they often involved multifaceted debates over power, precedence and entitlement, struggles over land have also varied in intensity and outcome, depending on the particular social, economic, and political contexts in which they occurred. By drawing attention to the ubiquity of land conflicts in Africa in recent years, and to commonalities in the causes of land scarcity and the debates it engenders, I am not attempting to reduce the land question to a single story, but rather to emphasise the importance of situating land struggles in specific historical contexts, taking account of the way multiple interests and categories of people come into play, and impinge on one another, as people 8 seek to acquire, defend, and exercise claims on land.
Beyond this avowed complication of the African land question, history 9 and context must be taken into account in its examination. History and context are important precisely because of the complication of the land question itself and the nuances that have shaped specific land struggles in 10 different African countries. However, there are commonalities that may be attributed to the African land question for analytical purposes. These 11 commonalities are the nature of colonial capitalism, the law and policy
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K Akuffo ‘The conception of land ownership in African customary law and its implications for development’ (2009) 17African Journal of International and Comparative Law57. Berry (n 5 above) 640. As above. Berry (n 5 above) 639. For the ‘macro-regions’ shaped by colonialism in sub–Saharan Africa: see S Amin Unequal development: An essay on the social formations of peripheral capitalism(1976) cited in Bernstein (n 5 above) 68-70. For accounts of the colonial encounter in Malawi and its effect on land relations, see for example B PachaiLand and politics in Malawi, 1875-1975(1978); C BakerSeeds of trouble: Government policy and land rights in Nyasaland, 1946-1964MRE Machika (1993); Law and economic development: A study of land law and agriculture in Malawi, Kenya and ZambiaPhD thesis, University of unpublished Birmingham, 1983; C Ng’ong’ola ‘Design and implementation of customary land reforms in central Malawi’ (1982) 26Journal of African Law115; C Ng’ong’olaStatutory control of land and the administration of agrarian policies in Malawiunpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1983; C Ng’ong’ola ‘The state, settlers, and indigenes in the evolution of land law and policy in colonial Malawi’ (1990) 23The International Journal of African Historical Studies 27; and FE Kanyongolo ‘Land occupations in Malawi: Challenging the neoliberal legal order’ in Moyo & Yeros (n 5 above) 118.
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