Do You Know the Way to SNA? : A Process Model for Analyzing and ...

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1 Do You Know the Way to SNA?: A Process Model for Analyzing and Visualizing Social Media Data Derek L. Hansen*, Dana Rotman*, Elizabeth Bonsignore*, Nataša Milić-Frayling†, Eduarda Mendes Rodrigues†, Marc Smith‡, Ben Shneiderman*, Tony Capone† *University of Maryland, Human Computer Interaction Lab; †Microsoft Research; ‡Connected Action ABSTRACT Traces of activity left by social media users can shed light on individual behavior, social relationships, and community efficacy.

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Introduction
ome of my best friends are libertarians. But by this i do not mean s the usual thing: that these people are my friends even though they
are libertarians. and while i do not quite mean the opposite, that
would bring us somewhat closer to the truth. the mere fact that
someone is a libertarian is enough to dispose me to befriend them.
this is because i fnd libertarianism a profoundly attractive politi­
cal view.
i use the term libertarianism here in the popular, colloquial sense,
meaning that cluster of political views associated with the “right­
wing” of liberal democratic polities . in various ways, and fo r variou s
reasons, theorists in this broad tradition support the idea of limited
government and wide private freedom, most notably in economic
affairs. classical liberals, economic liberals, anarcho- capitalists,
right-libertarians, or (as some insist) real liberals— for now, i use the
term libertarian to refer to them all.
For me, the main attraction of this broad libertarian tradition is its
emphasis on property rights. all liberals value the civil and political
rights of individuals: the right to a fair trial, freedom of expression,
political participation, personal autonomy, and so on. But libertar­
ians are distinct in asserting that the economic rights of capitalism—
the right to start a business, personally negotiate the terms of one’s
employment, or decide how to spend (or save) the income one
earns—ar e essential parts of freedom too.
i like this aspect of libertarianism. at its best i see the libertarian
defense of property rights as springing from an attractive ideal of
political agency. Possessing some particular bundle of material goods,
for libertarians, is not nearly so important as possessing those goods
because of one’s own actions and choices. When we are free, we are
aware of ourselves as central causes of the lives we lead. it is not
just captains of industry or heroes of ayn rand novels who defne
themselves through their accomplishments in the economic realm.
Many ordinary people— middle- class parents, single moms, entry-
level workers—become who they ar e, and express who they hope to
be, by the personal choices they make regarding work, saving, and
spending. these are areas in which people earn esteem from others
and feel a proper pride for things they themselves do. in economic Copyrighted Material
xii  •  Introduction
affairs, libertarians insist, it is not merely the outcome that matters:
the process must be considered too. diminishing personal agency in
economic affairs—no matter how lofty the social goal— drains vital
blood from a person’s life. When private economic freedoms are cur ­
tailed, libertarians claim, people become in some important sense
less free. People in this tradition also emphasize property rights for
instrumental reasons: property rights are linked to other basic rights,
promote the creation of social wealth, encourage personal responsi­
bility, and mitigate the dangers of concentrated political power. But
the libertarian claim that property rights protect freedom has always
seemed most important to me.
i am also drawn to the libertarian idea of “spontaneous order.”
sometimes social goals are most effectively pursued directly; for
example, by the creation of a governmental program guaranteeing
the delivery of some needed good or service. But libertarian think­
ers emphasize that at other times— perhaps most times— social goals
are best pursued indirectly. a commercial market is a paradigm of
spontaneous order. the production of the most ordinary commercial
good—a lowly pencil— requires the mobilization of a staggeringly
complex system of actors: foresters, miners, sailors, metallurgists,
chemists, gluers, accountants, and more. as Leonard read observes,
there may be literally “not a single person on the face of this earth” who
1 knows how to make a pencil. yet pencils are produced. these com­
plex productive systems typically were not planned: they evolved.
they a re p roducts o f human action but not of human design . Friedrich
Hayek argues that a free society is best thought of as a sponta­
neous order in which people should be allowed to pursue their own
goals on the basis of information available only to themselves. along
with the moral ideal of private economic liberty, i fnd the libertarian
emphasis on spontaneous order deeply attractive.
Like many people around the world, i associate these libertarian
ideas with the United states of america. america is not the only
country with a culture that celebrates capitalism. Further, as a mat­
ter of historical fact, america has many times failed to affrm these
capitalistic freedoms—and has also violated other basic liberal val ­
ues, sometimes egregiously. nonetheless, there seems to be a special
connection between libertarianism and the aspirations of ordinary
americans. the american dream posits america as a land of entre­
preneurs. Writing in the 1790s, the Federalist leader Gouverneur Copyrighted Material
Introduction  •  xiii
Morris proudly referred to his countrymen as “the frst- born chil­
2 dren of the commercial age.” america, on this vision, is a land of
opportunities—not a place of guarantees. the declaration of inde­
pendence states that people have a right, not to happiness, but to
the pursuit thereof. this land of opportunity exposes people to risks
of failure and by that very fact offers them a chance for accomplish­
ments genuinely their own. dean alfange’s poem, “an american’s
creed,” includes these lines: “i do not wish to be a kept citizen, /
Humbled and dulled, / By having the state look after me. / i want
to take the calculated risk, / to dream and to build, / to fail and to
3succeed.” Whatever life they lead, on this vision, americans can
take pride in knowing that their life is signifcantly one of their own
creation.
We may well debate whether americans continue to affrm these
traditional values of individual responsibility and causal self-
authorship. We might even debate whether they should. Personally,
i like this “american” vision of social life. it gives shape to the two
philosophical ideas i mentioned earlier: the idea of private economic
freedom and the idea of society as a spontaneous order. i am drawn
to the libertarian tradition, and to many libertarians, for all these
reasons.
However, i am a professional academic working in the shadow
of the twentieth century. this means that most of my friends ar e
not libertarians. Most of my professional friends and colleagues, by
4 far, are left liberals. new liberals, modern liberals, liberal demo­
cratic theorists, prioritarians, suffcientarians, egalitarians of vari­
ous stripes, or—at their most enthusiastic—high liberals; for now i
use the term left liberals to refer to them all. speaking generally, left
liberals are skeptical of the moral signifcance of private economic
liberty. they are skeptical also of distributions of goods that result
from the exercise of those capitalist freedoms. Left liberals think dis­
tributive issues are better brought under the control of deliberative
bodies, and that a central function of government is to ensure that
citizens have access to a wide range of social services— education,
health care, social security, and the like.
Because of my convictions about the importance of private eco­
nomic liberty, you might guess that i have moral qualms about the
institutional orientation of left liberalism. nonetheless, there are
ideas within the left liberal tradition i fnd attractive too. Copyrighted Material
xiv  •  Introduction
in recent decades, many left liberal theorists have adopted a cer­
tain view about political justifcation. if a set of political and eco­
nomic institutions is to be just and legitimate, those institutions must
be justifable to the citizens who are to live within them. according to
John rawls, the problem of political justifcation is to be settled “by
5 working out a problem of deliberation.” anar cho-capitalists such
as Murray rothbard argue that state institutions are justifed only if
6they gain the literal consent of every person subject to them. By con­
trast, philosophers in the deliberative tradition emphasize the idea
of moral acceptability . to be justifed, institutions must pass a test
of acceptability to citizens understood as beings who, in their moral
nature, wish to live together on terms that all can accept. according
to rawls and many other philosophers on the left, this deliberative
or “democratic” approach is closely connected to a further idea: the
idea of social, or distributive, justice.
against the libertarians and traditional classical liberals, left liber­
als insist that the concept “justice” applies to more than mere individ­
ual actions. instead, the social order as a whole—the pattern in which
goods and opportunities are distributed or, better, the set of institu­
tions that generate such patterns— can properly be descri