Política criminal y libertad

De

Este libro es el producto de las investigaciones realizadas durante el año 2013, que se socializaron en el Congreso Internacional de Política Criminal y Libertad, en donde se discutieron diferentes posturas hacia el “delito” y las diversas reacciones frente a él. La primera parte del libro la hemos denominado “Hacia la desprisionalizacion”, en ella se encontrará: una crítica a la penalidad y al castigo, elementos de una racionalidad neoliberal, y a los sujetos que se comportan como empresarios; una confrontación de lo normativo con la realidad de la justicia penal y penitenciaria, mostrando el incumplimiento de las funciones declaradas de la pena; la búsqueda de verdaderas alternativas que garanticen los derechos humanos de todos los actores de un conflicto social; una exposición a la estrecha relación entre desigualdad y prisionalización; y la complejidad del sistema penal y sus imaginarios sociales. La segunda parte del libro la hemos denominado “Prisión y sociedad”, para explicar las vivencias de sujetos de especial protección que son sometidos a un control puniti vo excesivo y deshumanizante. En ella se encontrará: una propuesta de una justicia juvenil restaurativa fundamentada en el principio de excepcionalidad y en la alternatividad: desjudicialización y desinstitucionalización de las sanciones; los avances normativos de la justicia penal juvenil, en contraste con las detenciones y muertes de jóvenes privados de la libertad; la riqueza del derecho indígena y sus lecciones aprendidas para la resolución de los conflictos; el estigma social frente al adulto mayor en el mundo extramuros e intramu ros; y la incidencia de los medios de comunicación en una política criminal coyuntural, reactiva y punitiva.


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Política criminal y libertad

Marcela Gutiérrez Quevedo, Thomas Mathiesen, Dan Kaminski, Henrik Tham, Jehanne Hulsman, Cielo Mariño Rojas, Douglas Durán, Marzia Dalto, Caldas Vera Jorge Emilio, Carol Iván Abaunza Forero, Paola Bustos Benítez, Karla Enriquez Wilches, Mónica Mendoza Molina, Andrea Padilla Muñoz y Giovanny Paredes Álvarez
  • Editor: Universidad externado de Colombia
  • Año de edición: 2014
  • Publicación en OpenEdition Books: 27 octobre 2016
  • Colección: Derecho
  • ISBN electrónico: 9789587722567

OpenEdition Books

http://books.openedition.org

Edición impresa
  • ISBN: 9789587722109
  • Número de páginas: 330
 
Referencia electrónica

GUTIÉRREZ QUEVEDO, Marcela ; et al. Política criminal y libertad. Nueva edición [en línea]. Bogotá: Universidad externado de Colombia, 2014 (generado el 28 octubre 2016). Disponible en Internet: <http://books.openedition.org/uec/1007>. ISBN: 9789587722567.

Este documento es un facsímil de la edición impresa.

© Universidad externado de Colombia, 2014

Condiciones de uso:
http://www.openedition.org/6540

Este libro es el producto de las investigaciones realizadas durante el año 2013, que se socializaron en el Congreso Internacional de Política Criminal y Libertad, en donde se discutieron diferentes posturas hacia el “delito” y las diversas reacciones frente a él. La primera parte del libro la hemos denominado “Hacia la desprisionalizacion”, en ella se encontrará: una crítica a la penalidad y al castigo, elementos de una racionalidad neoliberal, y a los sujetos que se comportan como empresarios; una confrontación de lo normativo con la realidad de la justicia penal y penitenciaria, mostrando el incumplimiento de las funciones declaradas de la pena; la búsqueda de verdaderas alternativas que garanticen los derechos humanos de todos los actores de un conflicto social; una exposición a la estrecha relación entre desigualdad y prisionalización; y la complejidad del sistema penal y sus imaginarios sociales. La segunda parte del libro la hemos denominado “Prisión y sociedad”, para explicar las vivencias de sujetos de especial protección que son sometidos a un control puniti vo excesivo y deshumanizante. En ella se encontrará: una propuesta de una justicia juvenil restaurativa fundamentada en el principio de excepcionalidad y en la alternatividad: desjudicialización y desinstitucionalización de las sanciones; los avances normativos de la justicia penal juvenil, en contraste con las detenciones y muertes de jóvenes privados de la libertad; la riqueza del derecho indígena y sus lecciones aprendidas para la resolución de los conflictos; el estigma social frente al adulto mayor en el mundo extramuros e intramu ros; y la incidencia de los medios de comunicación en una política criminal coyuntural, reactiva y punitiva.

    1. Dan Kaminski
      1. INTRODUCTION
      2. CONCLUSION
      3. REMERCIEMENTS
    2. Hacia una justicia restaurativa

      Marcela Gutiérrez Quevedo
      1. I. INTRODUCCIÓN
      2. II. EL FRACASO EN LA CREACIÓN DE SERES HUMANOS LIBRES
      3. III. JUSTICIAS RESTAURATIVAS
      4. IV. PREGUNTAS
    3. The justifications and explanations of imprisonment

      Lessons from criminal policy developments in Sweden, Scandinavia and Western Europe

      Henrik Tham
      1. TRENDS IN CRIME AND IMPRISONMENT
      2. THE POLITICIAN AS EXPERT
      3. THE PUBLIC’S DEMAND FOR MORE IMPRISONMENT?
      4. THE POLITICAL CONSTRUCTION OF IMPRISONMENT
      5. CRIMINAL POLICY AND THE LEGITIMACY OF THE STATE
      6. THE FUTURE?
    4. The menu is not the meal deconstruction of a criminal justice system

      Jehanne Hulsman
      1. INTRODUCTION
  1. Prisión y sociedad

    1. Justicia juvenil restaurativa como respuesta alternativa

      Cielo Mariño Rojas
      1. I. INTRODUCCION
      2. II. ORÍGENES DE LA JUSTICIA JUVENIL RESTAURATIVA
      3. III. LA INTRODUCCIÓN DE LA JUSTICIA JUVENIL RESTAURATIVA EN AMÉRICA LATINA
      4. IV. SISTEMAS DE JUSTICIA PENAL JUVENIL Y POSIBILIDADES RESTAURATIVAS
      5. V. ALTERNATIVAS AL PROCESO PARA UNA JUSTICIA RESTAURATIVA
      6. VI. BALANCE DE LA JUSTICIA JUVENIL RESTAURATIVA EN LATINOAMÉRICA
      7. CONCLUSIONES
    1. Derecho penal juvenil en américa central: avances y riesgos

      Douglas Durán-Chavarría
      1. I. LOS AVANCES: EL PASO DEL SISTEMA TUTELAR AL SISTEMA DE JUSTICIA
      2. II. LOS RIESGOS. DOS EJEMPLOS: LAS NUEVAS TENDENCIAS EN LO RELACIONADO CON EL CONSUMO DE SUSTANCIAS PSICOTRÓPICAS Y LAS CONTRARREFORMAS INTERESADAS EN UN MAYOR USO DEL DERECHO PENAL
    2. El aporte del derecho indígena a la construcción de las políticas criminales

      Marzia Dalto
      1. I. INTRODUCCIÓN
      2. II. LA COSMOVISIÓN DE LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS WOUNAAN DEL DEPARTAMENTO DEL CHOCÓ
      3. III. LECCIONES APRENDIDAS DESDE LA COSMOVISIÓN DE LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS WOUNAAN
      4. IV. CONCLUSIONES: EL MODELO PLURALISTA COLOMBIANO
      5. V. RECOMENDACIONES. LA JUSTICIA INDÍGENA: UNA CONTRIBUCIÓN PARA LA PAZ EN COLOMBIA
    3. Adulto mayor: prisión y sociedad

      Carol Iván Abaunza Forero, Paola Bustos Benítez, Karla Enríquez Wilches, Mónica Mendoza Molina, Andrea Padilla Muñoz y Giovanny Paredes Álvarez
      1. I. INTRODUCCIÓN
      2. II. RESULTADOS DETALLADOS
      3. III. CONCLUSIONES
      4. IV. RECOMENDACIONES
    4. Una política criminal a partir de los medios masivos de comunicación

      Jorge Emilio Caldas Vera
      1. I. INTRODUCCIÓN
      2. II. LA CARACTERIZACIÓN DE LOS MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN
      3. III. PRINCIPALES CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LA POLÍTICA CRIMINAL COLOMBIANA
      4. IV. EL PAPEL JUGADO POR LOS MEDIOS MASIVOS DE COMUNICACIÓN EN SUS RELACIONES CON LA JUSTICIA PENAL
      5. V. LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA POLÍTICA CRIMINAL A PARTIR DE LOS MEDIOS MASIVOS DE COMUNICACIÓN

Prólogo

Marcela Gutiérrez Quevedo

POLÍTICA CRIMINAL Y LIBERTAD

La Sentencia C-646 de 2001 de la Corte Constitucional colombiana define la política criminal como “el conjunto de respuestas que un Estado estima necesario adoptar para hacerle frente a conductas consideradas reprochables o causantes de perjuicio social, con el fin de garantizar la protección de los intereses esenciales del Estado y de los derechos de los residentes en el territorio bajo su jurisdicción”.

Vemos en esa definición que las respuestas a conductas reprochables son diversas de acuerdo con la necesidad y en perspectiva de los derechos ciudadanos. Sin embargo, los actores de la política criminal han priorizado la respuesta punitiva como la máxima ratio para la “protección” de los intereses esenciales del Estado y de los ciudadanos.

El Centro de Investigación en Política Criminal, en sus investigaciones, ha tenido la preocupación constante acerca de la violencia existente en Colombia, no solo de la sociedad, sino también del Estado. La criminología ofrece caminos de reflexión con el fin de materializar el deber ser de una política criminal garantista y diseñar propuestas edificantes y restaurativas para los involucrados en el sistema penal.

Este libro es el producto de las investigaciones de 2013 que se socializaron en el Congreso Internacional de Política Criminal y Libertad, en donde se discutieron diferentes posturas hacia el “delito” y las diversas reacciones frente a él.

La primera parte del libro la hemos denominado “Hacia la desprisionalizacion”.

– “La penalidad: una fuente inagotable de la democracia neoliberal”, del profesor DanKaminski. Este artículo critica la penalidad y el castigo, elementos de una racionalidad neoliberal, y a los sujetos que se comportan como empresarios.

– “Hacia una justicia restaurativa”, de la profesora Marcela Gutiérrez Q. Confronta lo normativo con la realidad de la justicia penal y penitenciaria, mostrando el incumplimiento de las funciones declaradas de la pena. Busca verdaderas alternativas que garanticen los derechos humanos de todos los actores de un conflicto social.

– “Las justificaciones y explicaciones sobre la prisionalización. Lecciones de política criminal desarrolladas en Suecia, Escandinavia y Europa Occidental”, del profesor HenrikTham. Expone la estrecha relación entre desigualdad y prisionalización. Explica cómo la baja prisionalización en países del Norte se puede entender por la manera como se controlan ciertas problemáticas (política de drogas) con políticas públicas diferentes a la punitiva.

– “El menú no es la comida. Deconstrucción del sistema de justicia criminal”, de la profesora JehanneHulsman. Este artículo muestra la complejidad del sistema penal y sus imaginarios sociales. Propone que con base en estudios empíricos investigativos podemos desenmascarar la realidad del cuadro penal y proponer soluciones diferentes al sistema penal.

La segunda parte del libro la hemos denominado “Prisión y sociedad” para explicar las vivencias de sujetos de especial protección que son sometidos a un control punitivo excesivo y deshumanizante.

– “Justicia juvenil restaurativa como respuesta alternativa”, de la profesora Cielo Mariño. Propone una justicia juvenil restaurativa fundamentada en el principio de excepcionalidad y de alternatividades: desjudicialización y desinstitucionalización de las sanciones.

– “Derecho penal juvenil en América Central: avances y riesgos”, del profesor DouglasDurán-Chavarría. Expone los avances normativos (Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño) de la justicia penal juvenil, en contraste con las detenciones y muertes de jóvenes privados de la libertad.

“El aporte del derecho indígena a la construcción de las políticas criminales”, de la profesora Marzia Dalto. Este artículo destaca la riqueza del derecho indígena y sus lecciones aprendidas para la resolución de los conflictos.

“El adulto mayor: prisión y sociedad”, del grupo de investigadores de la Universidad del Rosario2. Este artículo muestra el estigma social frente al adulto mayor en el mundo extramuros e intramuros. Mediante una investigación empírica, muestra el abandono y la vulneración de los derechos humanos de este tipo de población prisionalizada.

– “Una política criminal a partir de los medios masivos de comunicación”, del profesor Jorge Caldas. Este artículo muestra la incidencia de los medios de comunicación en una política criminal coyuntural, reactiva y punitiva

Agradezco a los ponentes de Colombia y del exterior, quienes se esforzaron en exponer sus investigaciones provenientes de diferentes contextos sociales y políticos. Ha sido un trabajo investigativo serio y responsable. Lo anterior nos ayuda a construir una política respetuosa de los derechos humanos y a seguir proponiendo mejores caminos y respuestas a los conflictos sociales.

Para terminar, quiero resaltar la intervención “El Estado de derecho bajo presión”, del profesor Thomas Mathiesen, quien desde Noruega (vía Skype) resaltó la importancia (y la crisis) del Estado de derecho, el cual, en su deber ser, debe tomar decisiones fundamentadas en el derecho, con leyes expedidas por un parlamento democrático (pluralidad de partidos) y que refleje la diversidad y los contextos regionales.

Notas

2Carlos Iván Abaunza F., Paola Bustos B., Karla Enríquez W., Mónica Mendoza M., Andrea Padilla M. y Giovanny Paredes A.

Autor
Marcela Gutiérrez Quevedo

Directora del Centro de Investigación en Política Criminal de la Universidad Externado de Colombia.

The rule of law under pressure

Thomas Mathiesen

INTRODUCTION

In my talk, I will discuss “the rule of law”, which I think is under pressure in Europe and the United States, and also elsewhere in the worid, including Colombia and other Latin-American states. I will deal with two aspects of this, the surveillance systems and the prisons. I will deal with these aspects, beginning with the surveillance systems. But first this:

By “the rule of law” I mean four things. Firstly, I mean that decisions are grounded in law. Secondly, I mean that “laws” are decided by a democratically elected parliament, with several parties with varying opinions involved. But thirdly, decision-making is not necessarily grounded directly in democratically decided law, but frequently indirectly, by legal delegation.

The last of the three points, that decision-making is based on legal delegation, they are based on law decided by Parilament but then delegated to others, is crucial in the general area of criminal justice. Let me give you a quick example.

Recently, news came up in Norway to the effect that within a month, 33 million telephone calls where Norwegians had been on the phone, had recently been monitored, surveilled, by the United States.

This particular news probably turned out to be wrong. I say “probably”, because I am not yet quite convinced. Glenn Greenwald, the journalist of brought the whole Snowdon affair to the front pages of major newspapers around the would, disagrees, and thinks that the United States’ nsa has interpreted the relevant documents quite differently, he says. What had happened according to the Norwegian interpretstion was probably that 33 million telephone calls outside of Norway, not involving Norwegians, had been monitored by Norwegian authorities - in Afghganistan. This was immediately reported by the Norwegian surveillance authorities, who had precisely that - they had an authority which was delegated to them by law.

There are several committees appointed by the Norwegian Parliament whose main job it is to see to it that surveillance authorities and others stay within the boundaries of authority which they have been given through legal delegation. Asked by Norwegian television how they could be so sure that the surveillance authorities said the truth, the chairwoman of the parliamentary committee in question replied that the committee could of course not control everything, but they controlled test cases, and that it was a matter trust.

And there we are. The rule of law is grounded in law which in the last instance is decided by a democratically elected parliament, but very frequently involves authority by delegation rather than directly by law, and is controlled by parliamentarians or others through test cases and trust. The rule of law is under pressure when the authority is given by delegation is stretched or shady, and in turn is controlled by weak or few test cases and by doubtful trust. Even Norway, often called “a high trust country”, has a culture of trust which is partly doubtful.

There is also a fourth criterion at stake. This is predictability. Decisions must be predictable to those subject to them. Even if the three first criteria — decisions are based on law, decided in a democratic setting, and legal delegation which is honest and truthful, decisions may not be predictable to people or a population. That is a scary possibility. This often seems to be the case in connection with European surveillance, in contrast to surveillance from the us, which, as far as I can see, has problems also with the other criteria of the rule of law.

Much more could be said about these concepts, but time prevents me from going deeper into them. They should be kept in mind throughout my talk.

SURVEILLANCE

Information during the last months from the United States and England, and also from other states, about information gathering and surveillance on a global scale, is greatly worrying.

As far as I know, it all began in the British newspaper The Guardian. The paper got access to a document which demanded, from one of the largest telecompanies in the us, Verizon, that they were to supply the nsa (the us National Security Agency) with information on all telephone calls in the system except. Apparently, content of the calls, according to criteria which resemble those of the European Data Retention Directive, are excluded, but I don’t know if I fully believe that. It continued with the discovery of “Prism”, the large surveillance program in the nsa which has surveyed foreigners through a number of large information systems such as Google, Windows, YouTube and the like. This Skype conference is in itself probably surveyed. The last piece of news is that 35 foreign state leaders, many in Europe, have been surveilled. The German Chancellor Angela Merkel is apparently among them. The Germans are particularly angry, and a German delegation of high-ranking bureaucrats have apparently gone to the United States to meet with

us counterparts. President Obama maintains that the German chancellor is not monitored now, which implies that she may have been monitored earlier.

The us has called David Snowden’s warnings treason. In Great Britain various steps have been taken against the Guardian. The head editor and journalists have been under fire. Four large Nordic newspapers (from Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland) have protested against “London’s dangerous crusade against a free press”, as Norwegian Aftenposten called it in an Editorial 26 August 2013. The Law Faculty of the University of Oslo, I might add, has recently proposed to bestow an honorary doctor degree to the Head Editor of the Guardian. We will soon see of the top of the University pyramid dares to follow up. Snowden, who warned against the surveillance in the mass media, has sought asylum in other countries and has received temporary asylum for one year in Russia.

ACTUALLY NOTHING NEW

All of this is well known. In terms of format it must be the greatest surveillance scandal the world has seen. It is a serious eye-opener of a sleeping and half sleeping public. But in terms of type of surveillance, which involves extensive use of the Internet and electronic traces for surveillance purposes, nothing is actually new. In Europe, the us, China and elsewhere, in states with a rule of law and in states without It, developments and implementation of a whole range of surveillance systems have been going on to gain information and knowledge of large population groups or whole nations. Let me mention Europe only, because in the light of what has been exposed in the us, we are made to believe that Europe is as clean as a newborn baby. Europe is not clean as a newborn baby. In my book on European surveillance systems, called Towards a Surveillant Society, which appeared in England, in English, with Waterside Press a few weeks ago2. I counted no Iess than between 12 to 14 large surveillance systems or enacted principies of surveillance in Europe. Just a few words about the most important of them are in order:

Schengen Information System, abbreviated sis. Is a vast system for screenimg amd shutting out unwanted aliens from outside the eu. Schengen information System II is an advanced and costly screening system of persons taking i. a. in biometric data on the individual level. The Sirene System, abbreviation for Supplementary Information Request at National Entries, consists of centralized police unit in each of the 29 Schengen states, exchanging Information between each other across borders. Vis – Visa Information System - is a data base which contains information, also biometric data, from nationals of third countries who require visas and who wish to enter the Schengen territory. The Europol computer Systems has three data systems - firstly a central information system containing standardized and less standardized information about convicts, suspects and “not-yet-but-soon-to-be-suspects (Statewatch Analysis 2007); secondly a series of extremely encompassing work files containing thousands or tens of thousands of people assembled for special purposes and large groups of people; and thirdly an index system to find one’s way through this mass of information. The work files are extremely important. In 2004 Europol operated 18 or 19 files. The Eurodac System is an automated finger print system containing fingerprints of all asylum seekers over 14 years of age. It enables countries to identify asylum applicants and persons who have been apprehended in connection with “an irregular crossing” of an external border of the union. The pnr – The Passenger Name Record collects data given by all travelers on all flights crossing the border (or near the border) of us territory. An accord with the eu was entered in 2012, the eu also has accords with Canada and Australia. A proposal is being developed on a New pnr System,

also between the eu states, which has been called the eu pnr. There is even discussion of a pnr for trains and boats, so that in the final analysis only those who walk or bicycle remain unregistered. The Data Retention Directive tells of a system containing extremely detailed information on all citizens of a country for a long time - up to two years - concerning all telephone calls, all emails, Internet usages and the like. After a Parliamentary debate, Norway decided to take part, and participates and plans implementation. The Hague Program is based on the so-called “principle of availability” – that all data/intelligence held by a law enforcement agency in one state should be available to every other agency in the eu. The program contains a supranational plan to make relevant intelligence data available, in principle, to all members of the European Union - easy to access and use across borders in the Union. It is a principle to be followed wherever and whenever possible within the union. The Prüm Accord, which Norway now is a part of, is an extremely good example of a system for reciprocal communication. It deals with reciprocal communication of dna-tests and other information between various eu states, and is based on the principle of reciprocal exchange of information between the various states of Europe, containing, mind you, numerous possibilities of erroneous registrations. The Swedish fra System (abbreviation of Forsvarets Radioanstalt; The Radio system of the Defence) registers all emails which cross Swedish borders – also Norwegian emails, because Norwegian emails frequently pass through Sweden.

Of little help

And so on. This long series of short sentences could have been made even longer. The main purpose of the systems is the struggle against terrorism. In my book Towards a Surveillant Society, I have been able to go in much more detail. The first point is that the many systems helpuslittle in catching terrorists before they have committed their acts of terror. Afterwards they may possibly be of some help, but not before the fact, even if this is the main purpose. Progressively, terrorism is becoming a phenomenon undertaken by loosely integrated individual people, “lone wolves”, who know how to defend themselves. The other main point is that many others, who have no thoughts or plans of terrorist acts, ordinary human beings like you and I, who constitute the great majority, are easily caught by the systems. The searchlight of suspicion is placed on the many, and the great surveillance systems become a threat to personal and legal security.

THE PRISONS

Note, as an introduction here, that there are vast differences between Colombia. Where you are from, and Norway, where I come from. I have recently learned that you have over 250 prisoners per 100,000 population, higher than any of the main European states, whereas Norway has a little over 70 prisoners per 100,000. On the average all your cells are filled by numerous prisoners, 4/6 prisoners on the average, whereas in Norway the doubling of cells is exceptional. You have leaves for your prisoners, but we have more leaves, more open prisons. But it is important for me to emphasize that even if our prison system is smaller and more humane, and that is an important thing, the rule of law is under pressure also with us. The rule of law is under pressure because this is inherent in prison, regardless of size and humanitarian conditions. That’s a very important point. In numerous countries prisons seem to thrive, more of them are built, and they are filled with ever-larger numbers of prisoners, without our understanding why.

The increase in the number of prisoners takes with a few exceptions place in Europe, North America and other Westernized countries like Australia and New Zealand (and other places). The exceptions in Western Europe are Finland and perhaps Germany. In a book entitled Why Prison?3, which came earlier this year, the editor, David Scott, has shown the figures. In 1970 the us had a larger number of prisoners than any other of the I2 Westernized countries which were counted in - 166 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants. All of the other countries, except Finland, had less than 100 per 100,000. In 2010 this picture had changed dramatically. The us was still the highest, with 748 prisoners per 100,000. The term “mass imprisonment” had been invented In Finland the number of prisoners went down. It was probably caused by changed legislation. Germany showed a relatively stable number of prisoners, a little over or a little under 90 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants between 1970 and 2010. All other countries showed a smaller or ereater increase. Six of the 12 countries had 100 prisoners per 100,000 inhabitants, 5 of these 6 countries showed 133 prisoners per 100,000. Norway showed an increase from 44 prisoners per 100,000 in 1970 to 73 per 100,000 in 2010.

DOWNWARD TREND IN REGISTERED CRIME

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